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The Future of Canadian Submarines: Weighing New Partners

The choice between competing submarine partners extends beyond platform performance to encompass long-term industrial development and Canada's role in a far-reaching maritime security environment.
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Confronted with U.S. hostility from the second Donald Trump administration, including a tariff war and ‘51st state’ provocations, the Government of Canada has recalibrated its relationship with the United States and pursued a path to greater self-reliance. To achieve this national interest, Prime Minister Carney ambitiously declared that “we are building that strength at home.”1Mark Carney, “Davos 2026 Special Address by Mark Carney, Prime Minister of Canada,” World Economic Forum, January 20, 2026, https://www.weforum.org/stories/2026/01/davos-2026-special-address-by-mark-carney-prime-minister-of-canada/

Nowhere is this ambition more visible than in Canada’s efforts to strengthen its maritime defence capabilities. Canada is surrounded by three oceans, and much of what protects those waters depends on detecting and deterring what remains hidden underwater. The Government of Canada has sought to modernize the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) by replacing its aging submarine fleet to address capability gaps and better navigate evolving security dynamics across two critical maritime domains in the Indo-Pacific and the Arctic.

The Department of National Defence (DND) officially launched the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project (CPSP) in July 2024.2Government of Canada, “Canada Launching Process to Acquire up to 12 Conventionally Powered Submarines,” National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces, July 10, 2024, https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/news/2024/07/canada-launching-process-to-acquire-up-to-12-conventiona lly-powered-submarines.html The procurement bid aims to acquire “up to 12 conventionally-powered, under-ice capable submarines”3Ibid. to replace four Victoria-class fleet and advance the operational reach of the RCN across different coasts. Following the shortlisting of two contenders in August 20254Murray Brewster, “Carney Eyes Germany for Trade, Security and Submarines as Canada Narrows Options,” CBC News, August https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/carney-germany-trade-security-submarines-1.7617600;

Government of Canada, “Government of Canada Advances to Next Step in Canadian Patrol Submarine Project Procurement,” Public Services and Procurement Canada, August 26, 2025, https://www.canada.ca/en/public-services-procurement/news/2025/08/government-of-canada-advances-to-next-step-in-canadianpatrol-submarine-project-procurement.html
and submission of final proposals in March 2026, a final partner selection is expected by the end of June 2026.  

Beyond fleet renewal, CPSP represents a strategic inflection point: a decision that will improve not only undersea capability, but also facilitate Canada’s long-term defence industrial development under the government’s Industrial and Technological Benefits (ITB) Policy framework.5The Industrial and Technological Benefits (ITB) Policy ensures that Canada and Canadian industry benefit from government defence and security procurement. See Government of Canada, “Industrial and Technological Benefits Policy,” Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada, accessed March 31, 2026, https://ised-isde.canada.ca/site/industrial-technological-benefits/en/industrial-and-technological-benefits

Beyond fleet renewal, CPSP represents a strategic inflection point: a decision that will improve not only undersea capability, but also facilitate Canada’s long-term defence industrial development.

Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) shortlisted two contenders in August 2025: Hanwha Ocean of South Korea and TKMS of Germany. Subsequent bidding instructions outline the key evaluation criteria: submarine sustainment package, which entails Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul (MRO) (50%); platform capability (20%); company’s financial capacity (15%); and industrial benefits under the CPSP contract (15%).6Murray Brewster, “Canada’s Instructions to Submarine Contract Bidders Highlight Sustainment, Economic Benefits,” CBC News, October 9, 2024, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/military-submarine-contract-bidders-9.6985543

Both proposed submarine platforms — Hanwha Ocean’s KSS-III Batch II and TKMS’s Type 212CD — offer differing potential to deliver long-term industrial benefits and fulfill Ottawa’s sustainment requirements. As Canada weighs its options, Hanwha Ocean offers both strong platform capabilities and greater potential to advance Canada’s defence-industrial base over the submarine lifecycle. A grounded, interest-based assessment indicates that forging this new partnership will strengthen Canada’s sovereign capabilities as well as its strategic positioning across the Indo-Pacific and the Arctic. 

Operational Strengths

As a part of DND’s announcement of CPSP, it declared that Canada seeks to “acquire a larger, modernized submarine fleet to enable the Royal Canadian Navy to covertly detect and deter maritime threats, control our maritime approaches, project power and striking capability further from our shores, and project a persistent deterrent on all three coasts.”7Government of Canada, “Canada Launching Process to Acquire up to 12 Conventionally Powered Submarines,” National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces, July 10, 2024, https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/news/2024/07/canada-launching-process-to-acquire-up-to-12-conventiona lly-powered-submarines.html

These priorities are measurable by breaking them down into four categories: (1) fleet size, platform design, and delivery timeline; (2) stealth, endurance, and under-ice capability; (3) lethality and long-range strike capability; and (4) interoperability with allies.  

Hanwha Ocean can claim a relative advantage when evaluated against the RCN’s most pressing task: the urgency to replace aging submarines and prevent a potential undersea capability gap. In this context, production maturity and delivery certainty emerge as decisive factors. 

Hanwha Ocean’s KSS-III platform, also known as the Dosan Ahn Chang-ho class,8South Korea names its KSS submarine classes after historical figures who contributed to overcoming national crises: KSS-I after naval commanders, KSS-II and KSS-III after independence movement and post-1945 national development leaders, and KSS-III Batch-II after Jang Yeong-sil, a 15th-century scientist, mechanics engineer, and inventor of the Joseon Dynasty, reflecting South Korea’s emphasis on maritime technological autonomy and self-reliant defence.“Korean Submarines Named After Heroes Who Overcame National Crises,” (translated by author; originally published as “한국의 위기를 극복한 영웅 이름을 딴 잠수함”), Seoul Shinmun, November 28, 2021, https://www.seoul.co.kr/news/plan/military-story/2021/11/28/20211128500002 is already in service with the Republic of Korea Navy, with the first Batch-II vessel completed and currently undergoing sea trials.9Noah Gairn, “Jang Yeong-sil: The First KSS-III Batch II,” True North Strategic Review, October 22, 2025, https://www.truenorthstrategicreview.ca/p/jang-yeong-sil-the-first-kss-iii While both bidders nominally meet Canada’s 2035 delivery target of the first submarine, Hanwha Ocean offers a more confident and accelerated timeline, committing delivery of the first submarine by 2032, four by 2035, and the full fleet of twelve by 2043.10James Careless, “KSS-III Cleared for Launch: Hanwha Ocean – Cover Story,” Canadian Defence Review, September 26, 2025, https://canadiandefencereview.com/kss-iii-cleared-for-launch-hanwha-ocean-cover-story/

In contrast, TKMS’s Type 212CD remains at an early stage in its production cycle and faces timeline constraints caused by its substantial existing order book, including 12 submarines planned for the German and Norwegian navies.11Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems, “TKMS Wismar Ramp-Up Progresses: Over 140 New Employees at the Start of the Year,”January 5, 2026, https://www.TKMSgroup.com/news/article/TKMS-wismar-ramp-up-progresses-over-140-new-employees-at-the-start-of-the-year While TKMS initially provided firm delivery timelines only for the first two submarines — projected for 2034 and 2037 — it has since recommitted to delivering four boats by 2036, partly by reallocating one submarine each from existing German and Norwegian Navy orders.12Murray Brewster, “Germany and Norway Offer Canada Two Submarines from Their Own Order to Sweeten Defence Deal,” CBC News, May 30, 2024, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/subs-germany-norway-canada-nato-9.7214590 While this may accelerate near-term delivery, it still leaves greater uncertainty around the production schedule and delivery timeline for the remainder of the fleet.

Beyond delivery, the KSS-III Batch-II also aligns more closely with Canada’s defence posture toward enhanced lethality and assertive power projection. As the RCN seeks not only to defend Canada’s sovereignty but also to deter adversaries across expansive maritime domains collectively with security allies and partners, the platform’s larger hull and integrated vertical launch system (VLS)13A vertical launch system (VLS) is an advanced missile-launching system used on mobile naval platforms such as submarines, consisting of multiple vertical cells that store and fire different types of long-range missiles provide a significant operational advantage.14Noah Gairn, “Happy CPSP RFP Day! Everything You Need to Know About the RFP, What’s Currently on the Table, and Answering Some Questions,” True North Strategic Review, March 2, 2026, https://www.truenorthstrategicreview.ca/p/happy-cpsp-rfp-day-everything-you The hull size is well-suited for ice-breaking surfacing and deep water operations, while the VLS — engineered to support submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) — enables greater payload diversity, rapid strike capability, and long-range precision engagement. 

However, this advantage is not without trade-offs. TKMS’s Type 212CD offers clear strengths in Arctic optimization and NATO interoperability. Its non-magnetic Amanox steel enhances performance in extreme cold and corrosion resistance,15Noah Gairn, “The History of Submarine Steel: How It Shapes Modern Submarines,” True North Strategic Review, January 26, https://www.truenorthstrategicreview.ca/p/the-history-of-submarine-steel-how while its hull is well-suited for under-ice navigation. Moreover, TKMS benefits from a deep NATO integration supported by the ORCCA Combat Management System16The ORCCA Combat Management system, jointly developed by TKMS and Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace, integrates platform control and combat operation, enabling real-time sensor data exchange across European allied networks.“Kongsberg to Deliver ORCCA Combat System for Type 212CD Submarines,” Naval News, December 19, 2025, https://www.navalnews.com/naval-news/2025/12/kongsberg-to-deliver-orcca-combat-system-for-type-212cd-submarines/ and institutional frameworks such as the EU’s Security Action for Europe (SAFE).17SAFE is the EU’s new financial instrument designed to provide financial loans to Member States up to €150 billion for investments in defence capabilities, financing urgent and large-scale procurement efforts to ensure Europe’s defence industry.    See European Commission, “SAFE: Security Action for Europe,” accessed April 27, 2026, https://defence-industry-space.ec.europa.eu/eu-defence-industry/safe-security-action-europe en This positions it as a lower-risk option for allied operations and Arctic missions.

However, the limitations of the KSS-III Batch-II are better understood as adaptable rather than structural. While its HY-100 steel is less optimized for Arctic conditions, proposed mitigation measures can reduce associated risks and can be further improved through sustainment. Although South Korea lacks the same depth of NATO integration, its rapid growth as a major defence exporter — ranking second in arms supply to NATO members between 2021 and 202518Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), “Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2025,” March 9, 2026, https://www.sipri.org/sites/default/files/2026-03/fs_2603_at_2025.pdf — signals an increasing alignment with NATO standards and an expanding interoperability over time.  

An interest-based assessment of platform requirements positions Hanwha as a more operationally advantageous platform for Canada. It is able to do so not by outperforming Germany across all categories, but by more effectively addressing key CPSP categories, particularly timely delivery and enhanced lethality that strengthen naval capability. 

Industrial Benefits and Strategic Autonomy

In February 2014, the Government of Canada introduced the Industrial and Technological Benefits policy, administered by Innovation, Science, and Economic Development Canada (ISED), to leverage long-term industrial benefits from defence procurement.19Government of Canada, “Canada’s Defence Industrial Strategy: What It Means for Defence Team Members,” The Maple Leaf, February 20, 2026, https://www.canada.ca/en/department-national-defence/maple-leaf/defence/2026/02/canada-defence-industrial-strategy-what-mea n-defence-team-members.html The policy is centered on the Value Proposition (VP), a weighted component of bid evaluation that assesses bidders’ economic commitments to Canada across five key pillars: (1) work in the Canadian defence industry; (2) Canadian supplier development; (3) research and development (R&D); (4) skills development and training; and (5) exports.20Government of Canada, “Industrial and Technological Benefits Policy,” Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada, accessed March 31, 2026, https://ised-isde.canada.ca/site/industrial-technological-benefits/en/industrial-and-technological-benefits

The continued application of the ITB Policy aligns with the broader direction of Canada’s defence agenda. On February 20, 2026, Prime Minister Carney announced the launch of Canada’s Defence Industrial Strategy,21Prime Minister of Canada, “Prime Minister Carney Launches Canada’s First Defence Industrial Strategy,” Prime Minister of Canada, February 17, 2026, https://www.pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2026/02/17/prime-minister-carney-launches-canadas-first-defence-industrial marking a significant step toward realizing his earlier commitment to “strategic autonomy.”22Mark Carney, “Davos 2026 Special Address by Mark Carney, Prime Minister of Canada.” Alongside rearming the Canadian Armed Forces, including the RCN, the strategy aims to rebuild defence capacity and reinvest in the domestic defence industry. These are objectives reinforced through the ITB framework.  

In this context, the five VP pillars of the ITB Policy serve as a critical and interest-based benchmark for assessing defence-industrial partnerships under the CPSP.

Across the first four pillars, Hanwha Ocean presents a more flexible and immediately deployable model. With the initial KSS-III Batch-II submarine completed production, Hanwha Ocean guarantees a credible transfer of structured in-service support (ISS)23In-Service Support (ISS) is a broad management of technical, logistical, and engineering services to support the submarines throughout their operational lifecycle capabilities, including Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul (MRO)24Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul (MRO) consists of specific, technical activities performed on the submarine to prevent failures, fix defects, and extend its lifecycle through overhaul processes activities, shipyard infrastructure development, and training of domestic workforce and submarine crews within Canada.

In addition, Hanwha’s extensive network of Canadian partners, trilateral industry-academia collaborations,25Canadian Companies and Universities Join Hanwha Ocean’s Global Submarine Supply Chain,” Naval News, March 8, 2026, https://www.navalnews.com/naval-news/2026/03/canadian-companies-and-universities-join-hanwha-oceans-global-submarine-su pply-chain; Mohawk College, “Hanwha Ocean, Ontario Shipyards and Mohawk College Partner to Strengthen Shipbuilding Capacity and Workforce Development,” Mohawk Newsdesk, February 18, 2026, https://www.mohawknewsdesk.ca/hanwha-ocean-ontario-shipyards-and-mohawk-college-partner-to-strengthen-shipbuilding-capa city-and-workforce-development/ and demonstrated localization strategies in other customer countries26There are two prominent examples. In Australia, Hanwha Defence Australia (HDA) established the Hanwha Armoured Vehicle Centre of Excellence (H-ACE) in 2019 to collaborate with domestic suppliers and localize production of the AS9 Huntsman self-propelled howitzer, an Australian variant of the K9 Thunder. In Poland, Hanwha Aerospace and WB Group formed a joint venture, Hanwha-WB Advanced Systems, in September 2025 and announced plans to localize production of the CGR-800 guided missile system. See “Hanwha Welcomes Australian-Made AS9 Huntsmans,” Australian Defence Magazine, February 27, 2026, https://www.australiandefence.com.au/defence/land/hanwha-welcomes-australian-made-as9-huntsmans; Hanwha Aerospace, “Hanwha Aerospace Expands Global Defense Presence with Advanced Technologies,” December 30, 2025, https://www.hanwhaaerospace.com/eng/media/newsroom/view.do?seq=591 indicate deep industrial integration, proactively engaging Canadian firms — small and medium enterprises (SMEs), Indigenous businesses, and research institutions — into submarine supply chains. 

In contrast, TKMS’s strengths lie in long-term R&D through its launch of the Canadian Defence & Dual-Use Innovation Ecosystem (CDDE)27The Canadian Defence and Dual-Use Innovation Ecosystem (CDDE) is a structured 15-year framework designed to translate research into operational maritime defence solutions. Its initial phase brings together three Canadian universities—Western University, the University of British Columbia, and Dalhousie University.See Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems, “TKMS Launches the Canadian Defence & Dual-Use Innovation Ecosystem (CDDE),” https://www.tkmsgroup.com/news/article/tkms-launches-the-canadian-defence-dual-use-innovation-ecosystem-cdde and in formalized Indigenous partnerships, reflecting the growing significance of Indigenous sovereignty to Canada’s Arctic context. However, much of its offering remains prospective and developmental. As its sustainment ecosystem has yet to be operationalized, its immediate contribution to Canada’s defence industry is limited.

But the trade-offs are most clearly pronounced when developing Canada’s export potential. Germany’s proposal stands out in institutional integration and export market access, notably through Canada’s participation in the SAFE initiative within established European defence supply chains. This provides a more stable, rules-based pathway for Canada to learn from European partners, train its domestic workforce through joint procurement, and gradually develop the capacity to compete in high-standard European markets. 

On the other hand, Hanwha Ocean’s approach, while broader and more ambitious, raises questions about the depth of integration across its wide partner network, as well as the absence of a multilateral framework comparable to SAFE for direct market access.  

These limitations are better understood as manageable risks rather than structural constraints, given Hanwha’s proven track record in localization and export-oriented industrial expansion. Notable examples include the AS9 variant of the K9 Thunder self-propelled howitzer (SPH) for Australia and the HOMAR-K variant of the K239 Chunmoo multiple rocket launcher system (MRLS) for Poland, both adapted to national requirements and supported by localized production. 

Reflecting this approach, Hanwha’s partnership28Hanwha Corporation, “South Korean Presidential Envoy Pledges Full Government Support for Expanded Partnership Between Canada’s Auto Parts Sector, Algoma Steel and Hanwha to Advance a Build-in-Canada Vehicle Manufacturing Capability,” Hanwha Newsroom, April 23, 2026, https://www.hanwha.com/newsroom/news/press-releases/south-korean-presidential-envoy-pledges-full-government-support-for-expanded-partnership-between-canadas-auto-parts-sector-algoma-steel-and-hanwha-to-advance-a-build-in-canada-vehicle-manufacturing-capability.do with Canada’s Automotive Parts Manufacturers’ Association (APMA) and Algoma Steel would, conditional on winning the CPSP award, establish a Canadian-owned manufacturing facility for military vehicles and systems. This includes domestic production of K9 SPH, which has been proposed under the Canadian Army’s Indirect Fires Modernization (IFM) program29The Indirect Fires Modernization (IFM) program is a Canadian Army procurement initiative aimed at replacing its existing M777 155mm towed howitzers with approximately 80-90 new 155mm self-propelled howitzers. PSPC issued a RFI in February 2026 outlining the program’s preliminary requirements. See Colby Badhwar, “Canadian Army’s Artillery Modernization Plan Takes Shape,” Defense Archives, February 21, 2025, https://defensearchives.com/news/canadian-armys-artillery-modernization-plan-takes-shape/ and integrates Canadian-made steel into defence manufacturing and submarine sustainment. This creates opportunities for Canadian firms to co-develop and produce customized variants with South Korean defence firms across multiple defence sectors, thereby strengthening their export credibility without reliance on European partners.30A notable example of this approach is the joint venture announced in April 2026 between Hanwha Corporation and Canada’s Automotive Parts Manufacturers’ Association (APMA), which aims to establish a Canadian-based manufacturing facility for non-commercial industrial vehicles and heavy military systems. The initiative suggests the potential for localized production of platforms such as the K9 Thunder self-propelled howitzer and the K239 Chunmoo Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS), both proposed by Hanwha Aerospace under Canada’s Indirect Fires Modernization (IFM) program. See “Automotive Parts Manufacturers’ Association (APMA) and Hanwha Corporation Announce Landmark Canada–South Korea Joint Venture,” Canadian Manufacturing, April 29, 2026, https://www.canadianmanufacturing.com/manufacturing/the-automotive-parts-manufacturers-association-apma-and-hanwha-corp oration-announce-landmark-canada-south-korea-joint-venture-318351/.;

Martin Chomsky, “Hanwha Offers Canada Full Military Vehicle Production and Twelve Submarines by 2043 if KSS-III Submarine Is Selected,” Defence Industry Europe, April 29, 2026, https://defence-industry.eu/hanwha-offers-canada-full-military-vehicle-production-and-twelve-submarines-by-2043-if-kss-iii-sub marine-is-selected/

Industrial benefits are a critical component of an interest-based judgment of Canada’s search for new defence partnerships. Understanding which proposed partners can credibly develop Canada’s defence supply chains, exportability, and strategic autonomy is key. 

An Interest-Based Choice 

The CPSP embodies the broader significance of “building strength at home.” It begins not only by equipping the RCN with modernized submarine capabilities to safeguard national sovereignty, but also by leveraging procurement as a strategic tool to reinforce Canada’s position across the Indo-Pacific and the Arctic. 

The choice between competing submarine partners extends beyond platform performance to encompass long-term industrial development and Canada’s role in a far-reaching maritime security environment. While a critical assessment of the competing proposals from TKMS and Hanwha Ocean remains essential, the outcome will depend on the Government of Canada’s ability to translate procurement into sustained operational readiness and industrial competitiveness through concrete commitment and implementation. 

A measured and interest-based approach to new partners will determine how effectively Canada can reduce its overreliance on the United States, strengthen sovereign capabilities, and assert strategic autonomy. 

A measured and interest-based approach to new partners will determine how effectively Canada can reduce its overreliance on the United States, strengthen sovereign capabilities, and assert strategic autonomy. 

Author
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Jarine Kim
Jarine Kim is Director of Research at the Canada Korea Business Council. She holds a Master of Global Affairs from the Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy at the University of Toronto. Her research focuses on Canada-Korea relations, defence-industrial cooperation, and Indo-Pacific security.
Panel 4: Pathways to Manage Non-Proliferation in the Middle East (4:30 PM - 5:45 PM ET)

The Western powers have failed to effectively manage the increasing threat of proliferation in the Middle East. While the international community is concerned with Iran’s nuclear program, Saudi Arabia has moved forward with developing its own nuclear program, and independent studies show that Israel has longed possessed dozens of nuclear warheads. The former is a member of the treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), while the latter has refused to sign the international agreement. 

On Middle East policy, the Biden campaign had staunchly criticized the Trump administration’s unilateral withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), more commonly known as the Iran Nuclear Deal and it has begun re-engaging Iran on the nuclear dossier since assuming office in January 2021. However, serious obstacles remain for responsible actors in expanding non-proliferation efforts toward a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. 

This panel will discuss how Western powers and multilateral institutions, such as the IAEA, can play a more effective role in managing non-proliferation efforts in the Middle East.  

Panelists:

Peggy Mason: Canada’s former Ambassador to the UN for Disarmament

Mark Fitzpatrick: Associate Fellow & Former Executive Director, International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)

Ali Vaez: Iran Project Director, International Crisis Group

Negar Mortazavi: Journalist and Political Analyst, Host of Iran Podcast

David Albright: Founder and President of the Institute for Science and International Security

 

Closing (5:45 PM – 6:00 PM ET)

Panel 3: Trade and Business Diplomacy in the Middle East (3:00 PM - 4:15 PM ET)

What is the current economic landscape in the Middle East? While global foreign direct investment is expected to fall drastically in the post-COVID era, the World Bank reported a 5% contraction in the economic output of the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries in 2020 due to the pandemic. While oil prices are expected to rebound with normalization in demand, political instability, regional and geopolitical tensions, domestic corruption, and a volatile regulatory and legal environment all threaten economic recovery in the Middle East. What is the prospect for economic growth and development in the region post-pandemic, and how could MENA nations promote sustainable growth and regional trade moving forward?

At the same time, Middle Eastern diaspora communities have become financially successful and can help promote trade between North America and the region. In this respect, the diaspora can become vital intermediaries for advancing U.S. and Canada’s business interests abroad. Promoting business diplomacy can both benefit the MENA region and be an effective and positive way to advance engagement and achieve foreign policy goals of the North Atlantic.

This panel will investigate the trade and investment opportunities in the Middle East, discuss how facilitating economic engagement with the region can benefit Canadian and American national interests, and explore relevant policy prescriptions.

Panelists:

Hon. Sergio Marchi: Canada’s Former Minister of International Trade

Scott Jolliffe: Chairperson, Canada Arab Business Council

Esfandyar Batmanghelidj: Founder and Publisher of Bourse & Bazaar

Nizar Ghanem: Director of Research and Co-founder at Triangle

Nicki Siamaki: Researcher at Control Risks

Panel 2: Arms Race and Terrorism in the Middle East (12:00 PM - 1:15 PM ET)

The Middle East continues to grapple with violence and instability, particularly in Yemen, Syria and Iraq. Fueled by government incompetence and foreign interventions, terrorist insurgencies have imposed severe humanitarian and economic costs on the region. Meanwhile, regional actors have engaged in an unprecedented pursuit of arms accumulation. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have imported billions of both Western and Russian-made weapons and funded militant groups across the region, intending to contain their regional adversaries, particularly Iran. Tehran has also provided sophisticated weaponry to various militia groups across the region to strengthen its geopolitical position against Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Israel. 

On the other hand, with international terrorist networks and intense regional rivalry in the Middle East, it is impractical to discuss peace and security without addressing terrorism and the arms race in the region. This panel will primarily discuss the implications of the ongoing arms race in the region and the role of Western powers and multilateral organizations in facilitating trust-building security arrangements among regional stakeholders to limit the proliferation of arms across the Middle East.

 

Panelists:

Luciano Zaccara: Assistant Professor, Qatar University

Dania Thafer: Executive Director, Gulf International Forum

Kayhan Barzegar: Professor and Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the Science and Research Branch of Azad University

Barbara Slavin: Director of Iran Initiative, Atlantic Council

Sanam Shantyaei: Senior Journalist at France24 & host of Middle East Matters

Panel 1: Future of Diplomacy and Engagement in the Middle East (10:30 AM-11:45 AM ET)

The emerging regional order in West Asia will have wide-ranging implications for global security. The Biden administration has begun re-engaging Iran on the nuclear dossier, an initiative staunchly opposed by Israel, while also taking a harder line on Saudi Arabia’s intervention in Yemen. Meanwhile, key regional actors, including Qatar, Iraq, and Oman, have engaged in backchannel efforts to bring Iran and Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table. From a broader geopolitical perspective, with the need to secure its energy imports, China is also expected to increase its footprint in the region and influence the mentioned challenges. 

In this evolving landscape, Western powers will be compelled to redefine their strategic priorities and adjust their policies with the new realities in the region. In this panel, we will discuss how the West, including the United States and its allies, can utilize multilateral diplomacy with its adversaries to prevent military escalation in the region. Most importantly, the panel will discuss if a multilateral security dialogue in the Persian Gulf region, proposed by some regional actors, can help reduce tensions among regional foes and produce sustainable peace and development for the region. 

Panelists:

Abdullah Baabood: Academic Researcher and Former Director of the Centre for Gulf Studies, Qatar University

Trita Parsi: Executive Vice-President, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft

Ebtesam Al-Ketbi: President, Emirates Policy Centre​

Jon Allen: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Israel

Elizabeth Hagedorn: Washington correspondent for Al-Monitor

Panel 4: Humanitarian Diplomacy: An Underused Foreign Policy Tool in the Middle East (4:30 PM - 5:30 PM ET)

Military interventions, political and economic instabilities, and civil unrest in the Middle East have led to a global refugee crisis with an increasing wave of refugees and asylum seekers to Europe and Canada. Moreover, the COVID-19 pandemic has, in myriad ways, exacerbated and contributed to the ongoing security threats and destabilization of the region.

While these challenges pose serious risks to Canadian security, Ottawa will also have the opportunity to limit such risks and prevent a spillover effect vis-à-vis effective humanitarian initiatives in the region. In this panel, we will primarily investigate Canada’s Middle East Strategy’s degree of success in providing humanitarian aid to the region. Secondly, the panel will discuss what programs and initiatives Canada can introduce to further build on the renewed strategy. and more specifically, how Canada can utilize its policy instruments to more effectively deal with the increasing influx of refugees from the Middle East. 

 

Panelists:

Erica Di Ruggiero: Director of Centre for Global Health, University of Toronto

Reyhana Patel: Head of Communications & Government Relations, Islamic Relief Canada

Amir Barmaki: Former Head of UN OCHA in Iran

Catherine Gribbin: Senior Legal Advisor for International and Humanitarian Law, Canadian Red Cross

Panel 3: A Review of Canada’s Middle East Engagement and Defense Strategy (3:00 PM - 4:15 PM ET)

In 2016, Canada launched an ambitious five-year “Middle East Engagement Strategy” (2016-2021), committing to investing CA$3.5 billion over five years to help establish the necessary conditions for security and stability, alleviate human suffering and enable stabilization programs in the region. In the latest development, during the meeting of the Global Coalition against ISIS, Minister of Foreign Affairs Marc Garneau announced more than $43.6 million in Peace and Stabilization Operations Program funding for 11 projects in Syria and Iraq.

With Canada’s Middle East Engagement Strategy expiring this year, it is time to examine and evaluate this massive investment in the Middle East region in the past five years. More importantly, the panel will discuss a principled and strategic roadmap for the future of Canada’s short-term and long-term engagement in the Middle East.

Panelists:

Ferry de Kerckhove: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Egypt

Dennis Horak: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Saudi Arabia

Chris Kilford: Former Canadian Defence Attaché in Turkey, member of the national board of the Canadian International Council (CIC)

David Dewitt: University Professor Emeritus, York University

Panel 2: The Great Power Competition in the Middle East (12:00 PM - 1:15 PM ET)

While the United States continues to pull back from certain regional conflicts, reflected by the Biden administration’s decision to halt American backing for Saudi Arabia’s intervention in Yemen and the expected withdrawal from Afghanistan, US troops continue to be stationed across the region. Meanwhile, Russia and China have significantly maintained and even expanded their regional activities. On one hand, the Kremlin has maintained its military presence in Syria, and on the other hand, China has signed an unprecedented 25-year strategic agreement with Iran.

As the global power structure continues to shift, it is essential to analyze the future of the US regional presence under the Biden administration, explore the emerging global rivalry with Russia and China, and at last, investigate the implications of such competition for peace and security in the Middle East.

Panelists:

Dmitri Trenin: Director of Carnegie Moscow Center

Joost R. Hiltermann: Director of MENA Programme, International Crisis Group

Roxane Farmanfarmaian: Affiliated Lecturer in International Relations of the Middle East and North Africa, University of Cambridge

Andrew A. Michta: Dean of the College of International and Security Studies at Marshall Center

Kelley Vlahos: Senior Advisor, Quincy Institute

Panel 1: A New Middle East Security Architecture in the Making (10:30 AM -11:45 AM ET)

The security architecture of the Middle East has undergone rapid transformations in an exceptionally short period. Notable developments include the United States gradual withdrawal from the region, rapprochement between Israel and some GCC states through the Abraham Accords and the rise of Chinese and Russian regional engagement.

With these new trends in the Middle East, it is timely to investigate the security implications of the Biden administration’s Middle East policy. In this respect, we will discuss the Biden team’s new approach vis-à-vis Iran, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. The panel will also discuss the role of other major powers, including China and Russia in shaping this new security environment in the region, and how the Biden administration will respond to these powers’ increasing regional presence.

 

Panelists:

Sanam Vakil: Deputy Director of MENA Programme at Chatham House

Denise Natali: Acting Director, Institute for National Strategic Studies & Director of the Center for Strategic Research, National Defense University

Hassan Ahmadian: Professor of the Middle East and North Africa Studies, University of Tehran

Abdulaziz Sagar: Chairman, Gulf Research Center

Andrew Parasiliti: President, Al-Monitor