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Canada and Europe: Untangling Interests and Values?

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This event summary is published as part of IPD’s project Canada’s Interests in a Shifting Order.


On September 15, 2022, the Institute for Peace & Diplomacy convened the second roundtable of its ‘Canada’s Interests in a Shifting Order‘ project. The topic of this session focused on Canada’s long-term foreign policy imperatives in Europe. Participants included former and current Canadian ambassadors, in addition to roughly a dozen scholars and experts on Canadian foreign policy and Euro-Atlantic security. The session was held under the Chatham House rule.

This project, launched in June 2022, brings together Canadian foreign policy scholars, analysts and stakeholders for a series of informal discussions. These private roundtable sessions aim to identify Canada’s national interests on the world stage in the context of a shifting international order, culminating in the publication of a final report in Autumn 2023. The project’s guiding logic is not to point to threats which must be balanced against, but rather to hold a first-principles discussion on the nature and scope of the country’s national interests, which can then serve as a basis for determining policy goals and developing the capabilities necessary to achieve them.

Europe vs. Asia?

For the past six months, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been front-and-centre in Canadian foreign policy circles. Given the war’s consequences — the collapse of Europe’s security order and the apparent end of the post-Cold War liberal interregnum — this is unsurprising. But looking past the current conflict, as the world’s geopolitical centre of gravity continues to shift toward Asia, will Europe increasingly become a theatre of secondary importance to Canada?

The second roundtable of IPD’s ‘Canada’s Interests in a Shifting Order‘ project sought to tackle this question. Some participants noted that this Europe-Asia dichotomy was an artificial one, as the fallout of the Ukraine war is increasingly global. Such a perspective asserts that Canadian foreign policy should therefore focus on identifying and repairing the various global fault lines which threaten the future of multilateralism.

Still, with finite resources and limited attention spans, one can still surmise that trade-offs do exist between the European and Asian vectors of Canadian foreign policy. Canada already casts a smaller international shadow than it did a few short decades ago. Can Ottawa truly respond to a frontal assault on the ‘rules-based international order’ and adequately support its allies in the face of a likely prolonged ‘new cold war’ in Europe, while also developing a coherent and sufficiently committed approach to shaping regional order in the vast ‘Indo-Pacific’ theatre?

With finite resources and limited attention spans, one can still surmise that trade-offs do exist between the European and Asian vectors of Canadian foreign policy. Canada already casts a smaller international shadow than it did a few short decades ago.

The answer to this question will go a long way in determining what sort of power Canada wants to be — and indeed can be — in the 21st century. If the answer is ‘no’, might this call for a more targeted strategic posture which prioritizes one region over another? Or rather does it suggest that Canada might be better served by pursuing a more ‘a-geopolitical’ foreign policy, placing patchwork efforts to repair and improve global governance ahead of attempts to shape regional security frameworks in Europe or Asia? Both options feature opportunities and drawbacks — and either choice will come with strategic implications for Canada, including with respect to its position in the emerging international order.

Interests vs. Values?

Roundtable attendees were drawn from both the ‘realist’ camp and the liberal internationalist tradition. Interventions from the latter group focused, to a large extent, on the theme of defending democracy and the ‘rules-based international order’. On its face, this is unsurprising: Unlike superpowers, which are more prone to pursuing unilateral action in defence of their perceived interests, so-called ‘middle powers’ and smaller states supposedly depend on a rules-based system for their security. European countries are therefore seen as key partners in the struggle to buttress the foundations of multilateralism, even more so given the unique nature of a transatlantic alliance whose contours cannot be easily replicated in the Asian theatre.  

Yet the question of how events in Europe affect Canada’s national security — strictly defined — is not identical to the challenge of how to bolster democracy and multilateralism. That many Canadian experts view Canada-Europe relations through the latter prism reveals the extent to which Canadian foreign policy is shaped by considerations pertaining to national identity. Whereas realists are more likely to argue that hard interests such as trade and border security should be prioritized ahead of ‘softer’ aspirations such as human security or a feminist foreign policy, for liberals values are interests.

Whereas realists are more likely to argue that hard interests such as trade and border security should be prioritized ahead of 'softer' aspirations such as human security or a feminist foreign policy, for liberals values are interests.

A compromise position may be that values can be marshalled in support of national interests. But if Canada, as a country with limited resources, therefore retains an interest in rules-based cooperation, could not a (superfluous and inaccurate) framing of the emerging international order along democratic vs. authoritarian lines damage the prospects for international cooperation? In other words, are we entering a period of history in which our interests and our values are increasingly at odds?

One might retort that the West has now shifted from its immediate post-Cold War efforts to export democracy to a more limited approach centred on the defence of existing democracies. But a binary and ideological framing of great power relations will inevitably be viewed by Moscow and Beijing as a threat to their regime security, resulting in the persistence of behaviour that eats away at established international norms.

In fact, realist voices in the discussion expressed scepticism over whether the war in Ukraine actually presents an existential threat to the ‘rules-based international order’, given that international treaties continue to proliferate and violations of international law remain more the exception than the norm. Moreover, violations of international law committed in other parts of the world are rarely framed as existential threats to the ‘rules-based order’, suggesting that Canada’s response to European security issues has cultural rather than interests-based foundations.

If indeed it were merely the culturally neutral ‘rules-based order’ that were at stake, then one might expect to see Canada’s foreign policy focus shift substantially towards Asia along with global power. Yet we appear to observe the opposite: NATO retains a seemingly disproportionate place in Canada’s mental map and international engagement, irrespective of the shift in global power. And while it may be in Canada’s interest to reassure its existing allies, where does this interest rank in relation to other national interests?

Points of Agreement

Irrespective of these disagreements, however, there were two principal points of convergence among roundtable participants.

The first concerns the interconnectedness of Canada’s foreign policy vectors. Geographically, Canada possesses four such vectors, governing relations with the US (to the south), Europe (to the east), Asia (to the west) and in the Arctic (to the north). For some participants, recognizing Russia as a declining power and China as a rising one implies that Canada should shift its attention away from Europe and toward Asia. For others, political transformations in the US, which raise questions over whether Washington remains a reliable partner, suggest a need for Canada to find new friends — whether in Europe or in Asia.

For others still, Sweden and Finland’s NATO accession provides an opportunity for Ottawa to establish a new ‘northern security working group’ within NATO, thereby reinvigorating Canada’s role within the transatlantic alliance. By contrast, other participants warned against taking a rash decision to change the fundamentals of Canada’s Arctic strategy — which has traditionally sought to insulate the circumpolar region from extra-regional disputes — without fully considering the range of potential implications.

In short, there was an identified need to integrate Canada’s varied foreign policy vectors into a coherent strategic whole — to learn how to do more than one thing at a time.

In short, there was an identified need to integrate Canada’s varied foreign policy vectors into a coherent strategic whole — to learn how to do more than one thing at a time. This points to the second area of agreement among participants, which highlighted the need for more long-term thinking in Canadian foreign policy. However, given the radical shifts that one can now expect in US foreign policy every four years, developing a Canadian foreign policy posture that goes beyond reacting to events as they unfold will be a significant task. This topic will be further broached in one of the project’s forthcoming roundtables on Canada-US relations.

Written By:
Zachary Paikin
Dr. Zachary Paikin is a Senior Fellow at IPD and a Senior Researcher in the International Security Dialogue Department at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP). He is also a part-time Research Fellow in the Grand Strategy Program at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft in Washington, DC.
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The Western powers have failed to effectively manage the increasing threat of proliferation in the Middle East. While the international community is concerned with Iran’s nuclear program, Saudi Arabia has moved forward with developing its own nuclear program, and independent studies show that Israel has longed possessed dozens of nuclear warheads. The former is a member of the treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), while the latter has refused to sign the international agreement. 

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This panel will discuss how Western powers and multilateral institutions, such as the IAEA, can play a more effective role in managing non-proliferation efforts in the Middle East.  


Peggy Mason: Canada’s former Ambassador to the UN for Disarmament

Mark Fitzpatrick: Associate Fellow & Former Executive Director, International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)

Ali Vaez: Iran Project Director, International Crisis Group

Negar Mortazavi: Journalist and Political Analyst, Host of Iran Podcast

David Albright: Founder and President of the Institute for Science and International Security


Closing (5:45 PM – 6:00 PM ET)

Panel 3: Trade and Business Diplomacy in the Middle East (3:00 PM - 4:15 PM ET)

What is the current economic landscape in the Middle East? While global foreign direct investment is expected to fall drastically in the post-COVID era, the World Bank reported a 5% contraction in the economic output of the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries in 2020 due to the pandemic. While oil prices are expected to rebound with normalization in demand, political instability, regional and geopolitical tensions, domestic corruption, and a volatile regulatory and legal environment all threaten economic recovery in the Middle East. What is the prospect for economic growth and development in the region post-pandemic, and how could MENA nations promote sustainable growth and regional trade moving forward?

At the same time, Middle Eastern diaspora communities have become financially successful and can help promote trade between North America and the region. In this respect, the diaspora can become vital intermediaries for advancing U.S. and Canada’s business interests abroad. Promoting business diplomacy can both benefit the MENA region and be an effective and positive way to advance engagement and achieve foreign policy goals of the North Atlantic.

This panel will investigate the trade and investment opportunities in the Middle East, discuss how facilitating economic engagement with the region can benefit Canadian and American national interests, and explore relevant policy prescriptions.


Hon. Sergio Marchi: Canada’s Former Minister of International Trade

Scott Jolliffe: Chairperson, Canada Arab Business Council

Esfandyar Batmanghelidj: Founder and Publisher of Bourse & Bazaar

Nizar Ghanem: Director of Research and Co-founder at Triangle

Nicki Siamaki: Researcher at Control Risks

Panel 2: Arms Race and Terrorism in the Middle East (12:00 PM - 1:15 PM ET)

The Middle East continues to grapple with violence and instability, particularly in Yemen, Syria and Iraq. Fueled by government incompetence and foreign interventions, terrorist insurgencies have imposed severe humanitarian and economic costs on the region. Meanwhile, regional actors have engaged in an unprecedented pursuit of arms accumulation. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have imported billions of both Western and Russian-made weapons and funded militant groups across the region, intending to contain their regional adversaries, particularly Iran. Tehran has also provided sophisticated weaponry to various militia groups across the region to strengthen its geopolitical position against Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Israel. 

On the other hand, with international terrorist networks and intense regional rivalry in the Middle East, it is impractical to discuss peace and security without addressing terrorism and the arms race in the region. This panel will primarily discuss the implications of the ongoing arms race in the region and the role of Western powers and multilateral organizations in facilitating trust-building security arrangements among regional stakeholders to limit the proliferation of arms across the Middle East.



Luciano Zaccara: Assistant Professor, Qatar University

Dania Thafer: Executive Director, Gulf International Forum

Kayhan Barzegar: Professor and Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the Science and Research Branch of Azad University

Barbara Slavin: Director of Iran Initiative, Atlantic Council

Sanam Shantyaei: Senior Journalist at France24 & host of Middle East Matters

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In this evolving landscape, Western powers will be compelled to redefine their strategic priorities and adjust their policies with the new realities in the region. In this panel, we will discuss how the West, including the United States and its allies, can utilize multilateral diplomacy with its adversaries to prevent military escalation in the region. Most importantly, the panel will discuss if a multilateral security dialogue in the Persian Gulf region, proposed by some regional actors, can help reduce tensions among regional foes and produce sustainable peace and development for the region. 


Abdullah Baabood: Academic Researcher and Former Director of the Centre for Gulf Studies, Qatar University

Trita Parsi: Executive Vice-President, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft

Ebtesam Al-Ketbi: President, Emirates Policy Centre​

Jon Allen: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Israel

Elizabeth Hagedorn: Washington correspondent for Al-Monitor

Panel 4: Humanitarian Diplomacy: An Underused Foreign Policy Tool in the Middle East (4:30 PM - 5:30 PM ET)

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Erica Di Ruggiero: Director of Centre for Global Health, University of Toronto

Reyhana Patel: Head of Communications & Government Relations, Islamic Relief Canada

Amir Barmaki: Former Head of UN OCHA in Iran

Catherine Gribbin: Senior Legal Advisor for International and Humanitarian Law, Canadian Red Cross

Panel 3: A Review of Canada’s Middle East Engagement and Defense Strategy (3:00 PM - 4:15 PM ET)

In 2016, Canada launched an ambitious five-year “Middle East Engagement Strategy” (2016-2021), committing to investing CA$3.5 billion over five years to help establish the necessary conditions for security and stability, alleviate human suffering and enable stabilization programs in the region. In the latest development, during the meeting of the Global Coalition against ISIS, Minister of Foreign Affairs Marc Garneau announced more than $43.6 million in Peace and Stabilization Operations Program funding for 11 projects in Syria and Iraq.

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Ferry de Kerckhove: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Egypt

Dennis Horak: Canada’s Former Ambassador to Saudi Arabia

Chris Kilford: Former Canadian Defence Attaché in Turkey, member of the national board of the Canadian International Council (CIC)

David Dewitt: University Professor Emeritus, York University

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Dmitri Trenin: Director of Carnegie Moscow Center

Joost R. Hiltermann: Director of MENA Programme, International Crisis Group

Roxane Farmanfarmaian: Affiliated Lecturer in International Relations of the Middle East and North Africa, University of Cambridge

Andrew A. Michta: Dean of the College of International and Security Studies at Marshall Center

Kelley Vlahos: Senior Advisor, Quincy Institute

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Sanam Vakil: Deputy Director of MENA Programme at Chatham House

Denise Natali: Acting Director, Institute for National Strategic Studies & Director of the Center for Strategic Research, National Defense University

Hassan Ahmadian: Professor of the Middle East and North Africa Studies, University of Tehran

Abdulaziz Sagar: Chairman, Gulf Research Center

Andrew Parasiliti: President, Al-Monitor